Home Education “Brown vs. Council” destroyed the Black Educator pipeline. The scientist explains...

“Brown vs. Council” destroyed the Black Educator pipeline. The scientist explains how

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One of the nation’s most significant milestones in civil rights has also devastated the pipeline of black educators, with repercussions felt today.

Brown v. Tapiki Education Board67 weeks ago, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled this week, giving black children access to the same educational opportunities as white children, ending the doctrine of “separate but equal.” But it is also caused dismissal, demotion or forced resignation of the many experienced, highly accredited black educators who worked in black-only schools.

Following this decision, tens of thousands of black teachers and principals lost their jobs as white leaders began to integrate schools but refused to put black teachers in positions of power over white teachers or students. Scientists say the current shortage of black teachers in the profession can be traced back to the consequences Brown solution. Yes Brown, black principals and teachers accounted for 35 to 50 percent of the workforce of educators in 17 states with segregated school systems. Today, there is no such percentage in any state, and at the national level, only 7 percent of teachers and about 11 percent of principals are black.

This month, Leslie Fenwick, Honored Dean and Professor at Howard University School of Education, published a book on the movement of black educators called Jim Crow’s Pink Pillar: The Untold Story of a Black Principal and Teacher Leadership. Fenwick told Education Week about her research and the consequences of destroying the Black Teachers Channel. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

You share many stories of black teachers who have been fired, demoted or expelled from schools, sometimes even with threats of violence. Is there any story left with you while you were researching this book?

What impresses me more than any outrageous story is that the stories are very similar. The stories and narratives are the same. These are people who played by the rules – they were loyal. They went north, got a graduate degree, returned [and were] still unpaid. If you look at the pay scale, they are paid less than white teachers [fewer qualifications].

I think what worries me is that many of the executives in particular have been established in the NAACP sections and are working on the right to vote. It was part of their community leadership. Part of their focus was also retribution for leading these efforts, which, especially in the South, were deeply outraged by the white authorities.

Your book explores how the consequences of the dismissal and demotion of black principals and teachers have been so far-reaching, even outside of black educators themselves. There is a quote that says “lower down [the Black principal] is to downgrade the Black Community. ” What caused the consequences Brown means for the black middle class?

One of the injuries, of course, was the economic injury in the Black Community. A large percentage of the black middle class – then and now – are teachers. And so when these people lost their jobs, it had an economic impact on their family and society.

There is one story: a gentleman loses his position as director and eventually has to go to work at a factory. Very dirty work, not a factory manager. He encounters some of his students working at this factory whom he encouraged to graduate from high school for all sorts of reasons. And now he works with them on a very small job. The idea that education was not only such a euphemistic lever for you, your family and society, but also that you will have some control over your destiny through education – was lost.

Here are the people who received their bachelor’s degrees from HBCU. They cannot get a postgraduate degree in their state, they travel more, return, continue to teach in segregated schools, even if they know it is wrong, and they still fall prey to this arc of racism. It has a profound and profound impact not only on the person but on everyone who has witnessed it.

This has shaken the notion that education is a great emancipator; education – a big accelerator; education is a lever of ascent. It shocked me deeply that … in the Black community.

Brown claimed that black schools were lower, but your book claims that is not entirely true. Could you talk about the excellence of education in segregated black schools?

I like to be careful: we don’t want segregated schools. We didn’t want them then, we don’t want them now. I think my book is trying to share that when [Black school] the facilities were ruined, looking at these premises really didn’t tell the whole story because the strength of the school was in the teachers. I think there is evidence that the lawyers cheated Brown used this as a story that would speed things up. This is one of the reasons why [Black] the authority of teachers is not part of the development of the case – to confirm this case, you had to prove that the individual was unequal.

The book calls the National Teachers ’Exam more powerful than the White Principal in terms of declaring black teachers incompetent. Do you think this is true today with teacher licensing and certification exams?

Yes. I see them then, and I see them now as perpetuating a racist restriction program primarily for black teachers in the profession, [although] I think they captivated other color teachers. Black teachers with higher authority have been removed from the system, and in a total of 17 states [that had segregated school systems]were replaced by white teachers who had lower academic credentials, lower levels of professional licensing – in some cases no license.

It also happened that while vacancies are being advertised in the new integrated system, black teachers with these credentials are subject to this newly introduced licensing exam. Although they are [already] have a license, they must take these exams. The tests themselves were manipulated in terms of content and marginal scores to prevent black teachers and to prevent them from applying for new jobs. In Florida, when black teachers – despite all the maneuvers – are superior to white teachers in the Florida version [licensing test], Florida resets test. They stopped using it.

[Black teachers are] claiming these positions and test is the goalkeeper and he continues to be the goalkeeper. And my question is that if we know that these tests have this history that has been reviewed over and over again in the courts with clear conclusions, why do we still use them? … We know that these tests continue to have different racial effects, and we are not doing anything about it. And we know that our future black entrants do not pass the entrance exams for one to three points. This is not statistically significant, and it requires us to survey how these thresholds are set.

In addition to a careful review of certification exams, what do you think could be done to help rebuild the channel of black educators in almost 70 years Brown?

The first thing that needs to happen is to retell this story as the author of why we are where we are. The question of the underrepresentation of blacks in the pedagogical system is not due to the myth that blacks fled education to get other professions after Brown. We need to tell a story – we see that the cause of the inferiority of blacks in the pedagogical system, whether we are talking about teachers, principals or leaders, is the problem of structural racism. It is not a matter of personal choice in terms of the pursuit of education as an area.

Second, this purge, the largest transfer of jobs from black to white, certainly in public education, has brought economic losses to blacks. And it has to be some kind of correction. I think HBCU should have a lot of funding – not a lot of funding, big, significant, substantial funding to recruit and train a new generation of black teachers. … Many of us in society are deeply concerned about the lack of investment in HBCU for teacher training when we know that these institutions are strong drivers for teacher production.

And then I think that the third and most important thing is a change in public policy, which requires certain thresholds for teachers’ licenses. I’m not saying we don’t want to evaluate and evaluate teachers before conscription. We want to do it, and there are many, many ways to do it. In fact, 20 years ago, the National Research Council called for a portfolio evaluation of pre-service teachers. … Before entering the classroom, we must test the knowledge of students. What we’ve noticed is on the exit license exams, [which candidates take after completing their preparation program], the difference in scores between black and white is much smaller. In other words, attitudes toward teacher education tend to level the playing field in licensure exams.

What is the main opinion you hope people have after reading your book?

This book tells the story of racial divisions. But in our country there is this racially triumphant story. Part of racial triumph is when groups come together – white, black and others – to uphold equality, change and equality. And part of the racial triumphal history is the recognition of the truth. This recognition of the truth is so important for us to move forward. And these individuals, the 100,000 people who gave up their livelihoods so that schools could desegregate, really need to be recognized. There are one and a half pages in the book where I just list some of the names. I did it because I wanted the reader to pause and admit: it was real, and not so long ago.

The strongest moment I had was when I was writing the book [was when I saw] a copy of a memo written by Turgud Marshall. He wrote this to some northern philanthropists in large foundations because in 1952 or 53 he set up the NAACP Teachers Information and Security Department. He knew then, two years ago Brownif Brown has been successful given the racist structure of the border and southern states that black teachers will lose their jobs and they will need legal assistance to regain those jobs. He was preparing for this.

As I researched this, I had a question: are these smart people …[Charles Hamilton] Houston and Marshall and [James] Nabrit, who mastered Brown– they should have known it would happen. And they did, and they took steps to protect black teachers. I felt a shiver when I looked at this note that they knew this and tried to protect black teachers and black principals from this situation.

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